Why do young men get embroiled in street gangs?

School of Justice Studies academic Rob Hesketh is a leading authority on gang culture. His new book Beyond the Street Corner looks at why some young people get embroiled in gangs while other do not; and what society can do about it. We spoke to him …

Q. - Rob, your book is based on 14 years of research on street gangs, how did that start?

I have lived on the Stockbridge Village, a former council estate (Cantril Farm) in the same house since moving there as a baby with my parents in 1971. Crime on the estate started to get noticed in the media in the early 2000s and I wondered why I had managed to avoid getting involved as a young man. My interest intensified when I came across twin brothers on the estate, one of whom had become heavily involved in crime, while the other had gone to university.

Here were two young men in the same family, exposed to the same influences yet had gone completely different ways. By this time, I had already gained a first degree and two master's degrees in the social sciences, so in 2010, I put together a research proposal and was contacted by a brilliant academic, Dr Karen Corteen (Karen is now my colleague) who agreed to supervise the project. At that time, research was limited, so my aim was to try and shed light on the key factors that determined gang involvement. I managed to interview 44 young people, half involved with street gangs as active members or former members and half who had completely abstained. My background of living on an estate (coming from 'the farm" or 'canny farm") helped me greatly in establishing a rapport with the young people. The book's title of "beyond the street" represents the overriding question I am asking, have street gangs evolved to another level beyond the traditional stereotypical sense of just a group of kids hanging around street corners?

Q – Can you give some examples of what your research has found?

Possibly the most significant for me was around how young gang members had met their friends, what we call ‘bridging’ or social mixing. Those involved in street gangs had made acquaintances from their school and the streets where they lived and where the dominant philosophy of the street was making money through crime and gaining status/identity. In contrast, those young people who had abstained had done so because of parental protection (as in my case) or who had seen violence on the street and decided to refrain. These youngsters migrated to other areas to become involved in law abiding activities. As a result, they met other young people from diverse backgrounds which in turn, challenged existing beliefs around criminality in their own communities.

Also of interest, was the allure of risk as a motivating factor to become involved in street gangs. A lot of young people that were involved spoke of the adrenalin rush derived from not only criminality itself but also the planning and dressing the part, being "blacked out" as they described the "scouse soldier" (black top, trackie bottoms and one ten trainers) which have become infamous in the region.

Other study has described what I call "deviant entrepreneurship", using entrepreneurial skills for deviant means. This, I observed to be mainly in the form of drug dealing. County Lines is perhaps the epitome of deviant entrepreneurism. Many spoke of "grafting" or being a "grafter", terms that are now associated with dealing drugs. In the eyes of many of the young people I interviewed, I found that the perceptual differences between crime and legitimate work had become blurred. Thus, in the eyes of most of my street gang involved respondents, crime had been neutralised into a form of work, any conscience was morally disengaged under the term "grafter". 

Q – We have this idea – partly through movies – that lads get into gangs to feel like a man, to be the one in control rather than the victim, is that true?

In some cases, that can be true, there are a lot of young men who can experience what is termed masculinity crisis be it as a result of the lack of a father figure or an appropriate father figure, or in fact a lack of blue-collar jobs that were seen as the epitomised hegemonic or dominant form of masculinity. Even though today is better to speak of masculinities in the plural sense, many disenfranchised young males grow up in areas that still hold on to the image of what in the past has been called a "man's man" 

Q – We also get the vibe that some people see gang work as legitimate ‘employment’ – I think there was book about the Krays pointedly called The Profession of Violence’. Do you find evidence to support that?

Yes, on Merseyside we have this term "grafting"(mainly associated with drug dealing) which to many young men allows them to neutralise or morally disengage from the reality that they are committing crime. Some of the young men who were involved in street gangs closer to the city centre and the night-time economy spoke not so much of gangs but of firms and products (drugs). It was clear that this language was influenced from adult organised crime figures. 

Q – How have gangs evolved since 2010?

I would say yes, in some respects, the connection in some areas of the region to adult organised crime groups or figures has become stronger, we also have the emergence of county lines which has perhaps added a new dimension to gang culture. We also need to ask the question when does a gang cease to be a gang and become something else? When does it leave the gang label. Therein lies another issue, the definition of a gang which is still being debated and in recent years thanks to the media has become very loosely applied. 

Q – How up to speed do you think law enforcement are as to the way gangs work and survive?

Merseyside Police are trying their best to their credit. We now have a strategy which has spread around to all constabularies in the UK called "Clear, Hold and Build" the idea is that you identify a hotspot area through intelligence policing, you attempt to clear it of criminality by high visibility policing, then hold on to the area using a variety of interventions mainly through the third sector. Time will tell if this proves to be effective. For me, early intervention is crucial, street gangs have always been with us, they are not going to disappear overnight. I also think public health can play a major part in changing hearts and minds.    

Q- Gang  studies is dangerous field for a researcher – how have you navigated your role as observer/academic?

I would say my background, living on one of the most famous estates on Merseyside allowed me to gain unique access to 44 young people and develop a rapport with them. Even though I was from an estate, I learnt a lot from them and through this book, hopefully it will give them and the young people they represent a voice.

Q – The were a few awful shootings last year when the public took the brunt of gang violence – (one was a LJMU environmental health alum); how concerned should the public be about this criminality?

The concern regarding street gang violence and its impacts on public safety is certainly warranted, especially in light of recent tragic incidents, including the shootings that affected innocent individuals such as the LJMU environmental health alum and the little girl in Dovecot. While such events are deeply troubling and understandably heighten public anxiety, it is essential to approach this issue with vigilance. The public should go about their daily routine but have some situational awareness. This is where agencies such as crime commissioners' office and violence reduction partnerships can play a major apart through public engagement in hotspot areas. 

Q – What’s the basic premise of the book?

The book attempts to fill a significant gap in the academic literature that has largely overlooked the Merseyside region in the context of street gang and organised crime studies. This neglect is particularly striking given the region's current status as one of the UK hotspots for street gang and organised crime activities. As street gangs and organised crime continues to evolve, the complexities and challenges confronting law enforcement and communities have also intensified. The lack of scholarly attention on Merseyside not only leaves a void in our understanding of the specific dynamics of gang culture in this area but also hampers the development of effective strategies to combat these issues.

Beyond the Street Corner: Understanding Urban Street Gang Membership is published by Palgrave